WASHINGTON — The Tea Party movement is making a lot of noise, but the angry-at-government effort has yet to establish itself as a force that can determine the outcome of November's congressional elections. The key could be forging alliances with GOP candidates, but those involved in the movement in nearly every state are leery of that if not downright opposed.
"The day there's an organized Tea Party in Wisconsin," said Mark Block, who runs rallies in the state, "is the day the Tea Party movement dies."
The Associated Press reviewed Tea Party chapters across the country, interviewing dozens of local organizers and Democratic and Republican strategists to produce a portrait of the movement to date — and its prospects for tipping congressional elections this fall. Though it's far too early for any long-term verdict on the Tea Party movement — even defining what short-term success would be for its followers can be a challenge — the AP found that:
? The embryonic movement is not as much a force that drives public opinion as a reflection of it.
? Local chapters are underfunded, loosely aligned and often at odds with one another.
? The lack of a single leader, issue or strategic goal sets them apart from most politically potent movements.
America's Tea Party movement is a hodgepodge of barely affiliated groups, a home to the politically homeless, a fast-growing swath of citizens who are frustrated with Washington, their own state capitals and both major political parties. Most describe themselves as conservatives or libertarians. They rarely identify themselves as Democrats.
Last year's rise of the Tea Party movement closely tracked polls showing declining faith in government, confidence in the nation's future and approval of President Barack Obama and Congress. Government bailouts and Obama's trillion-dollar push to overhaul the U.S. health care system proved too much for people like Ralph Sprovier, a regional coordinator for Illinois Tea.
"We're regular people who are p---ed off at our government — period, end of story," said Sprovier. "Defend us, don't spend more than we have, get the budget balanced and listen to what we say."
But listening doesn't guarantee understanding. Tea Party movement regulars back candidates who support debt reduction. Or free markets. Or states' rights. Or civil liberties. Or tort reform. Or term limits. Or abolishing federal agencies. They champion some of these issues — but not always all of them — and sometimes many more. Generalizing the movement is a fool's errand.
This we know: The movement know how to produce crowds. Organizers use e-mail, social networking and other electronic tools to draw enormous numbers of disaffected Americans together.
But rally building is no big trick in the era of Twitter and Facebook, when people with cell phones can summon crowds for events as frivolous as snowball fights.
Beyond rallies, the movement thins out.
Too broke to buy a copy machine, a Tea Party group in Alaska plucked a copier from a landfill. A chapter in Kansas lost its only laptop and, with it, the group's membership list.
Unversed in media management, two local leaders suggested in a nationally broadcast interview that they favored abolishing Social Security. Democrats quickly assigned that view to the entire movement.
The organization seems strongest in places where lobbyists and GOP operatives like former House Majority Leader Dick Armey pull levers. Their involvement hardly squares with the anti-political sentiment that drives grass-roots activists like Bill Hennessy.
"I'm not into politics," the Missouri rally organizer says.
The Tea Party movement itself is not a political party — and there are no signs it ever will be.
"That's the beauty of it," said George Burton, a Minnesota electrician and history buff who dressed in period garb for a rally he organized in Brainerd, "We don't take any orders from anybody."
So what does that mean for November?
Republican strategists hope Tea Party groups will align with the GOP to defeat Democrats.
If they stay apart?
"The American experience is if you don't go through one of the two major parties or you don't home in on a single issue as a litmus test, it's very difficult to be impactful across the country," said Matt Schlapp, a White House political director in President George W. Bush's first term who currently advises congressional candidates.